U.S. Foreign Policy Approach towards Cuba

Cuba, however, was the subject of an scour more than intransigent foreign policy because of its proximity and historical ties to the unite States. Consequently, the economic sanctions imposed in the early 1960s and the want of diplomatic ties consecrate been the most visible features of the U.S. policy towards Cuba since Castro took power. (Spanier, 1983, pp. 110-113).

The death of the Soviet yoke and the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s changed the governmental calculus to a lower placepinning U.S. foreign policy. Cuba, in particular, now posed teensy-weensy danger to vital, or even important, U.S. interests. In fact, without its Soviet sponsor, the Cuban government could do little to stem the increasing economic problems afflicting its people. By the middle old age of the 1990s, many in spite of appearance and without the U.S. government began suggesting relaxation of the now tralatitious policies, particularly the economic sanctions. Others, however, urged no relaxation of the U.S. stance until Cuba renounced its communistic government. These advocates pushed the Helms-Burton and Cuban res publica human activitys (discussed below) through Congress in the early 1990s.

President Clinton and members of his politics suck in repeated the assertion of introductory U.S. administrations that the United States has a vital national interest in the affairs of Cuba. Such an interest is what drives U.S. policy towards C

Like previous administrations, that led by beak Clinton has asserted that real change in Cuba must be brought about by the Cuban people. This can only fall out when the people can no longer tolerate the economic, social, and political conditions in the country. In order to facilitate such change, the Clinton administration and its predecessors have sought to increase the flow of information to, from and within Cuba. In order to accomplish this ending, Clinton began allowing groups within the U.S. to develop impertinently contacts on the island and began licensing dozens of trips, programs and other activities by nongovermental organizations (NGOs) and institutions in the U.S. aimed at establishing positive working relationships with counterparts in Cuba. (Ranneberger, 1997).

The U.S. Cuban policy under Clinton was established in legislation through the Libertad (Helms-Burton) Act, and the Cuban Democracy Act (CDA) of 1992. These two laws were designed to cement the financial instancy placed upon the Castro regime. The CDA tightened existing economic sanctions on Cuba, while the Libertad Act created new sanctions, which increased protection of U.S. blank space interests in Cuba and demoralized foreign enthr unityment. State Department officials have insisted that the CDA has slowed foreign investment in Cuba, although there have not been a epic number of determinations of "trafficking" under the Act. In addition, State Department officials have stated that the provisions of the Libertad Act have caused foreign companies to paying back greater time and care when considering investments in Cuba to ensure that U.S. property interests are not affected. These officials have also admitted, however, that these two measures have triggered complaints from U.S. trading partners and even litigation by the European Union in the World Trade Organization (WTO). (Ranneberger, 1997).

uba. As one State Department official stated in 1997, the "overarching goal [of this policy] is to promote a
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