The Political And Cultural Consequences In Modern Mexico

Mexico's federal government is headed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, and is currently lead by President Ernesto Zedillo. Despite Mexico's technically federal structure, the president has, in the past, ruled as an absolute monarch. Zedillo has promised to change things: "the rule of faithfulness and appropriate institutions atomic number 18 to replace executive fiat" (Economist 38). The joined States likes what Zedillo has said, and President Clinton has supported his government with NAFTA (North American Free cunning Agreement), arms, and miscellaneous handouts aimed at making Mexico a better neighbor. Unfortunately, Mexican grouchs are being plowed under by Mexican and American economic interests, Mexican political corruption, and the Vatican, which seeks from afar to take a shit down the Zapatistas' internal leadership.

The Zapatistas are lead by a bit known as Subcomandante Marcos. He heads what is officially called the Zapatista Army of home(a) Liberation (EZLN). Marcos' real name, which was made public only latterly due to his need for secrecy, is Rafael Sebastian Guillen Vicente. Mexico's federal government has discovered that "Marcos" is a 39 year-old complianceer university professor from a well-to-do idyll family. He comes across in almost of the press releases near EZLN as a Robin Hood figure, one who wants to take from the rich to give to the poor. He has the political savvy a

Women's groups in Chiapas believe that the assaults [on Rodriguez and other Zapatista supporters] are a clear message to women, since enemies of the Zapatista try realize that families form the main part of the organization's base. (Banjac 20)

When federal soldiers reached an insurgent stronghold at Guadalupe Tepeyac, the guerrillas melted into the jungle, leaving behind a few trucks, except "taking with them their most valuable equipment--fax machines and laptop computers . . . in retreat, the Zapatistas faxed out a communique claiming that the army was killing children, beating and raping women . . . and assail us" (Watson 36). In this manner, the Zapatistas were using words as their most powerful weapons, as this information is disseminated throughout the free world.

The preceding(prenominal) analysis of social control could have been written around the numerous accounts of violence against EZLN members and their supporters, including Cecilia Rodriguez. Rodriguez' colleagues believe that her high-profile work on behalf of the EZLN did non escape the attention of Chiapas' most powerful. In Washington a month before her rape at the hands of four-spot masked men in Montebello Lakes (a tourist spot in a still tranquil pocket of Chiapas), she had announced the coal scuttle of a Chiapas office where international supporters would work together with Zapatista peasant communities.

The fact that so many women have an ethnocultural identification with the movement was not lost on Rodriguez. She realized that women were supporting their families, side-by-side; in fact, Mujeres de Mexico, a national women's rights organization, announced on November 6, 1995,

The following qualifying from an environmentalist periodical shows that the migration and expulsion of indigenous people from highland(prenominal) Chiapas communities have taken their toll on the once-mighty Lacandon rainforest (4 meg acres had been reduced to just 700,000 acres by 1994). theme agrarian policies which resettled ind
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